- Copertina rigida: 272 pagine
- Editore: Pelican Pub Co Inc; New. edizione (febbraio 2012)
- Lingua: Inglese
- ISBN-10: 1589809572
- ISBN-13: 978-1589809574
- Peso di spedizione: 431 g
Rethinking the American Union for the Twenty-First Century (Inglese) Copertina rigida – feb 2012
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I walked away from reading this volume convinced that the war over which Abraham Lincoln presided was morally and constitutionally wrong. His thoughts about secession, as stated in his First Inaugural Address, were sophistry. There is no evidence that any State entered the Union with the idea that it could not get out. In fact, Virginia, New York, and Rhode Island specifically ratified the Constitution conditionally. The document was a contract, or compact, between the States. In English law, compacts could certainly be rescinded in the event of a breach. In this case, only the State, as a party to the compact, could decide whether there had been a breach.
I would suggest that, if the reader is interested in the subject of secession, that he also read Robert F. Hawes, Jr.'s, One Nation, Indivisible?; Albert Taylor Bledsoe's, Is Davis a Traitor?; John C. Calhoun's, A Discourse on Government, A Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States; John Remington Graham's, A Constitutional History of Secession; and the seventh chapter of George F. Kennan's, Around the Cragged Hill. This would be an excellent beginning. These volumes will underscore the fact that the victors write history, and that often it is terribly skewed.
If you want to extricate yourself from the myths about secession, and start thinking outside the box, read Rethinking the American Union for the Twenty-First Century. Your eyes may well be opened.
The first essay, by Kent Masterson Brown, is a legal and historical analysis of secession.
Next, Thomas DiLorenzo emphasizes the role of federalism in protecting individual liberty. The current official history narratiive ignores that state nullification and secession are checks on the power of the central government, instead of the election charades that we regularly have and which incumbents win over 90% of the time.
Marshall DeRosa reminds readers that the Tenth Amendment is in the Constitution for a reason, though interpretations of the US Supreme Court have gutted its effectiveness. DeRosa asks if it's logical to expect this creation of the federal government, to which partisans are appointed in a contentious process, to be impartial in disputes involving the separation of powers between the States and DC.
Donald Livingston discusses the relation of size to republican values. Citizens are to make laws in accordance with a tradition. The size and scope of the federal government make this impossible, he writes. Kirkpatrick Sale continues this argument and states his Law of Government Size: "Economic and social misery increases in direct proportion to the size and power of the central government of a nation." Big governments cause big problems and big wars ("war is the health of states").
Yuri Maltsev turns the "too big to fail" argument around and describes how the USSR was too big not to fail.
Finally, in "Most Likely to Secede," Rob Williams introduces Vermont's secession movement. Mr. Williams writes that "the US is no longer a self-governing republic responsive to the needs of its citizens but an uncontrollable Empire governed by an unholy alliance of corporations and the federal government..."
All of the essays discuss various aspects of the growing federal government and generally conclude that secession is a real check on central power. The word "secession" is rare in modern American political discourse and usually scorned when mentioned, but one point from Prof. DeRosa's essay should give pause to the scorners: it's no coincidence that Lincoln secured central government subsidy to the greatest corporate interest in America in 1862, after effective opposition to a centralized corporatist state left the federal government.